A small export company in the city of Daegu, Korea, was able to. Industry: South Korea. Taiwan. Singapore. Industry of the Republic of Korea

(From the book by V.N. Glukhov “Chemical complex abroad”)

The basis for uniting three small Asian states in one chapter is the similar nature of the development of the chemical complex in them (as well as the entire industry of these countries) - its clear focus on the foreign market.

It is worth pointing out the seemingly insurmountable obstacles to the creation of the chemical industry in countries that have suffered colonial dependence, poverty, mass unemployment, and, moreover, almost completely deprived of natural resources for the development of chemistry and fuel and energy reserves. Nevertheless, high-tech and global-market-oriented industry in these countries was created in a relatively short time, as if by magic. The state played the role of a magician.

If in Russia a large group of economists is still trying to prove that in a market economy the role of the state should be reduced to a minimum, that it should not interfere in economic activity in the production of tires, rubber products, etc., then in the three countries under consideration it is the state acted as an organizing and guiding force that managed to unite the peoples of these previously backward countries and rise with them to the heights of technical progress.

At the same time, after the creation of a large and highly competitive industry that took a prominent place in the world market, the state did not step aside and its role in the economy does not decrease. This valuable experience of industrialization deserves careful consideration. In these countries it has both common and unique features. In South Korea, the beginning of the movement towards industrialization dates back to the early 60s of the last century. At that time, the country's industry was dominated by small enterprises.

Under pressure from the state, they were united into large diversified conglomerates (“Chaebols”). Essentially, these are inter-industry companies (the Hyundai conglomerate still produces a wide range of products, from ethylene to cars. The conglomerates Samsung, Kumho, LG, etc. are now also widely known). All banks were nationalized and a course towards state capitalism was set. The state facilitated the import of raw materials into the country, while at the same time stimulating the export of finished products, and created conditions for attracting foreign investment.

In order to more clearly organize the capital construction of the country, five-year planning of activities began on the model of socialist countries. But these plans did not pursue the goals of quantitative planning, but were more inclined towards targeted programs. Thus, in the first five-year plan, which began in 1962, the emphasis was placed mainly on the development of shipbuilding. In the mid-70s, power in the country was seized by the armed forces.

In the depths of this military government, a rather fantastic project arose to create in a country where there were only small enterprises assembling cars from foreign parts, a national automobile industry oriented to the world market. A detailed program was developed to accomplish this task. Military rule did not last long, but subsequent civilian governments continued the program.

The Koreans, having bought a foreign license for a car engine, improved it so much that the new one was registered as a national invention. The development of the national automotive industry required, first of all, the creation of a production of high-quality automotive components. It is no coincidence that Korean tires entered the world market earlier than Korean passenger cars, which combine fairly high quality with a low price. The national automotive industry, radio electronics, electrical engineering and the production of household products gave a powerful impetus to the development of the chemical industry.

At the first stages, mainly mineral fertilizer plants were built in the country, but petrochemicals gradually took the leading place in the industry. Large petrochemical plants were created in three centers - Ulsan, Yeongchon and Daesan. The predominant part of the raw materials for them is straight-run gasoline and refinery gases coming from oil refineries.

The oil refining industry of South Korea is now represented by six refineries with a total capacity of 130 million tons per year (ranking 5th in the world), operating entirely on imported oil. These are modern enterprises with well-developed oil recycling processes. Two of them are among the five largest refineries in the world. One of them in Ulsan with a capacity of 42 million tons per year belongs to the company SK Innovative. Among the petroleum products, jet fuel stands out, a significant part of which (like other petroleum products) is exported by South Korea. In general, South Korea needed no more than 5 five-year plans to transform from a backward to a developed industrial power.

Already in the 90s of the last century, the country took a strong position in the world market of industrial products. Her example clearly shows what can be achieved if you firmly and consistently move towards a specific goal set by a long-term strategy, without swaying from one extreme to the other. In the new century, the country maintains high rates of development, quite comparable with the rates of industrial production in China. In terms of production volume, the chemical complex ($133 million in 2012) of South Korea now ranks 7th in the world.

According to data relating to one of the latest periods, it imports hydrocarbon raw materials worth $35 billion, but produces finished products from it with a total value of $80 billion, of which it then exports products worth $48 billion. These figures reflect the efficiency of work on the foreign market. The continuous rise in world oil prices naturally reduces this efficiency and a legitimate question arises: will South Korea repeat the fate of Japan, which fell into long-term stagnation after an industrial boom?

Orientation to the foreign market is always associated with risk. However, South Korea has important advantages over many other countries, namely:

A fairly diversified manufacturing industry, in which advanced technical equipment shipbuilding, radio electronics, and automotive manufacturing occupy a large place;

Significant development of applied science in many fields;

The development of comprehensive technical services, increasingly attracting qualified specialists. This gives good reason to believe that the country’s chemical complex will always be able to adapt to rapidly changing market conditions and survive either through large participation in other industries that are in demand on the world market, or through the development of its own innovative products.

One should also take into account the tendency of Korean industry to transition from producing relatively cheap products to more expensive and high-quality products and products. In addition, the country’s industrial structure responds quite quickly to the needs of the world market, and enterprises whose products are not in demand there are closed. The territorial proximity to China, whose domestic market is growing and is far from saturation, is also favorable for South Korea.

Although the share of the South Korean chemical industry in manufacturing output decreased to 10% in 2009 from 17.5% in 1995, the continuous growth of its production confirms the high viability of the industry. The dynamics of growth of the main product groups of the complex are reflected in Table 1. The predominant part of the products of the chemical complex of South Korea is obtained on the basis of petrochemicals. A significant part of these products is sold on the foreign market. Feedstock ethylene is produced at 11 plants and centers - Daesan, Ulsan, Yeongcheon and Yeosu - built after 1970. The largest three plants in Daesan with a total capacity of 1.7 million tons per year belong to Hyundai and Samsung.

Almost all plastic production in the country is concentrated in these same centers. More than 0.5 million tons of polyethylene are produced in Daesan alone. The production of plastics and products made from them is the most important sub-sector of the Korean chemical industry. In value terms, it accounts for more than 33% of commercial output.

Following closely behind are pharmaceuticals. The production of mineral fertilizers is one of the few that have a negative balance of foreign trade. It is mainly represented in the country by complex fertilizers. South Korea has a relatively large (considering the small capacity of the domestic market) production of raw materials for the rubber industry, primarily carbon black and synthetic rubber (in Yeongcheon and Daesan).

The main types of the latter are styrene-butadiene rubber of solution and emulsion polymerization and polybutadiene. Three companies (Hankuk Tire, Kumho Tire and Nexen Tire) produce tires for various equipment at 7 factories. The largest plant in Daejeon has a capacity of 24 million units per year and employs 2.4 thousand people. In recent years, the construction of new factories in the complex has been aimed at producing new and promising products, mainly for the needs of electronics and solar energy.

These include polycrystalline silicon, polymethyl methacrylate, polyhydrofuran, liquid crystal polymers, etc. In terms of production volume of one of the promising types of plastics - polycarbonate (1.5 million tons), South Korea occupies a leading place in the world. In Taiwan, the state also played a major initiating role in the creation of the petrochemical industry. The first small ethylene plant was built by the state oil company in 1968, but the most widespread industrial construction began in the 1980s.

During the same period, the privatization of chemical enterprises began, primarily the largest company Formosa Plastic. However, the Taiwanese government carried out this process extremely carefully, and at the beginning of this century it was not completely completed. A feature of Taiwan's industrial strategy was, along with its export orientation, a focus on high labor productivity based on the latest technology.

The modernization of industry is stimulated by the state primarily by large expenditures on the development of science, in terms of which (2.8% of GDP) Taiwan is ahead of only a few countries in the world. Large costs are also spent on environmental protection. Preservation of the tattoos of one batch for a long time does not at all impede high rates of economic development. Although Taiwan's state economic strategy is based on the development of private entrepreneurship, the role of the state in the economy is quite large. The state maintains strict control over the entire financial and banking system.

The country carries out state planning (4-year and 6-year plans), but only in the field of development of new technology and production. To attract foreign technology and develop national high-tech products, it practices the creation of research and production parks (the first of them was created in 1980 in Hsinchu). The most qualified scientific personnel are concentrated here.

The best conditions for their work have also been created for the return to the country of scientists who left the island abroad. Among the many benefits and privileges for industrial enterprises to stimulate the development of progressive technology, land benefits are of interest (land in the country is scarce and is fully owned by the state).

There are 7 plants in Taiwan for the production of ethylene, obtained by pyrolysis of straight-run gasoline or ethane, with a total capacity of 4 million tons per year. All of them belong to two companies - the private Formosa Petrochemical and the state-owned China Petroleum Corporation - and are concentrated near two centers - Mailiao and Kaohsiung. The capacity of the latest ethylene units reaches 900 million tons per year. Based on ethylene, by-products of its production and subsequent processing products, a complex of diverse chemical industries has developed, characterized by a high technical level.

A number of production facilities were created with the technical assistance of American, British and Japanese companies. Here it is important to point out the large unit capacities of installations for the production of organic synthesis products and polymers. Thus, the unit for the production of terephthalic acid (it is further processed into synthetic fibers) built by the British Petroleum company at the beginning of the new century in the city of Tacin had a capacity of 600 thousand tons per year.

The capacity of the butanol plant in Mailiao is 250 thousand tons per year, ethylene oxide in Kaohsiung is 500 thousand tons per year, ethylene glycol is 250 thousand tons per year, polyethylene (in Kaohsiung) is 280 thousand tons per year , polycarbonate in Tainan - 100 thousand tons per year, styrene in Mailiao - 400 thousand tons per year, phenol (ibid.) - 200 thousand tons per year, etc. For the needs of the national automotive industry in Taiwan in 1954 ‒1982 Three tire factories were built. The largest of them in Yunlin, the Chen-Shin company, employs about 4 thousand people. The annual capacity of the plant is 44 million units. in year; All types of tires are produced - from tires for trucks and agricultural machinery to tires for motorcycles and industrial vehicles. Two other factories in the cities of Hsinchu and Taiyuan produce mainly tires for passenger cars. The island also produces intermediate products for the rubber industry - synthetic rubber and carbon black.

In recent years, the production of small-scale chemical products has been rapidly developing in Taiwan, primarily used in radio electronics, the leading industry in the country. New types of special-purpose plastics are used in it. Taiwan also stands out for its production of synthetic dyes, exceeding 40 thousand tons.

At the same time, the production of mineral fertilizers and a number of inorganic chemicals, which are not in high demand on the world market, are stagnant or declining. According to data for 2009, the main products of the chemical complex of Taiwan (according to the national classification it also includes the oil refining industry) are: petroleum products - 25.4%; polymer materials - 14.5%; chemical fibers - 3.2%; inorganic products - 2.3%; paint and varnish materials - 1.4%; synthetic rubber - 1.0%; mineral fertilizers and other agrochemical products - 0.9%.

Polymer materials and plastic products also lead in the export of complex products. It should be noted that the wide entry of the island’s products onto the world market was preceded by a long period of import substitution. Only at the turn of the century did exports of chemical products exceed their imports. Currently, the authority of Taiwanese products in the world market is continuously increasing.

Along with the growth in the export of products, the export of capital is also growing: the largest companies in Taiwan are building chemical plants in China, other Asian countries and even in the USA. Just a few decades ago, it seemed impossible that Singapore would quickly become a prosperous and industrialized country. There were simply no conditions for this. The tiny area on an island near the southern tip of the Malacca Peninsula is occupied by a city of five million.

Any resources of raw materials and fuel are completely absent in this city-state. Until now, everything necessary for life, including drinking water and sand for cement, has to be imported. Singapore does not have any free space for industrial construction. But there were still some prerequisites for economic growth.

First of all, it should be noted the presence of a qualified, hardworking and disciplined workforce. The population of Singapore (mostly Chinese) has a long tradition of trade with neighboring countries. The reserves of commercial capital made it possible to create a large financial center here. It is difficult to overestimate the advantageous geographical position of Singapore, located near the most important maritime transport routes. Let us also add the absence of corruption among government officials. But his government (primarily the Economic Development Committee) managed to fully realize these small advantages.

The first step towards creating a national petrochemical industry was the construction of relatively large oil refineries with the help of American and Japanese companies. They were given certain economic benefits and complete freedom of action. Three refineries with a total capacity of 68 million tons per year were built on islands adjacent to Singapore and on offshore platforms.

These plants met all the requirements of modern technological progress and the most stringent environmental standards. Refining oil (mostly imported) for the purpose of selling petroleum products to neighboring countries turned out to be quite justified economically, which prompted the government to take the next step.

In the early 90s of the last century, a significant part of the island. Jurong (6,500 hectares) was reserved for the creation of infrastructure and the construction of large petrochemical plants. More than S$35 million was spent for these purposes, including the installation of imported equipment. Foreign companies investing in the construction of petrochemical enterprises were exempt from paying taxes for a period of 15 years with the unhindered export of capital.

Intensive construction of petrochemical plants, in which more than 6 thousand people participated, unfolded in the 90s and in the first decades of the new century. 4 large ethylene plants with a total capacity of 3.5 million tons per year were built (the largest ethylene production plant in the world), propylene plants with a capacity of 1.9 million tons per year, polymer plants (polyethylene, polypropylene, polystyrene) with a total capacity of 2. 3 million tons per year, plants for aromatic hydrocarbons with a total capacity of more than 1.5 million tons per year and polyester fibers. These enterprises belong to more than 80 companies, among which American and Japanese predominate (Shell, ExxonMobil, Celaniz, Mitsui Chemical, Sumitomo, Tejin).

As a result, already in 2010, exports of chemical products from Singapore reached 57 billion US dollars. Further construction of industry enterprises also covered about. Buk, and between about. A 2.3 km long highway has been laid between Jurong and Singapore along the sea. In 2014, the German company Lanxess commissioned the first stage of a synthetic rubber plant in Singapore, one of the best in the world in terms of automation and technical equipment of production.

New enterprises also produce small-scale special-purpose products (auxiliary additives for polymers, surfactants, products for electronics, industrial gases), products based on biotechnology (methionine, sugar substitutes, intermediate products for medicines), pharmaceuticals, varnishes and paints, polymers for special applications. In 2014, construction began in Singapore of one of the world's largest acrylic acid production plants with a design capacity of 160 thousand tons per year, which will be used in the production of superabsorbents and hygiene products. All production uses the latest technologies.

Even finished goods warehouses are equipped with electronics and telecommunications-based controls. US experts estimate the total volume of chemical products of this tiny country at $82 billion for 2012, which is only slightly lower than the level of Italy and higher than in Russia. The experience of the three countries under consideration did not go unnoticed. First of all, three neighboring Asian countries tried to borrow it - Thailand, Malaysia and Vietnam.

From an objective point of view, the opportunity of these countries is incomparably higher than in those discussed earlier: they have a large population (and, therefore, a capacious domestic market) and significant natural resources (natural rubber, palm oil, hydrocarbons). Malaysia still occupies a leading position in the world in the production of latex gloves. The development of petrochemicals in these countries is also characterized by high rates.

Industry as part of the country's economy

The economic life of any state, first of all, consists of the processes of creating economic benefits and their subsequent distribution between sectors and branches of the economy. Next, a mutually beneficial exchange takes place between subjects of economic relations and the final consumption of the created product or service. Any economy is based on the use of raw materials, means of labor, materials, labor, and so on. Industry supplies all these elements to the country's economic system.

Note 1

Industry is a part of the national economy, formed by a set of economic entities whose main task is to create tools of labor. Tools are an element of the means of labor that make it possible to produce products ready for consumption.

Industry has a direct impact on the country's reproductive forces. It can influence the formation of complexes and specialized production areas. This is where scientific discoveries take place, giving impetus to the development of the entire production chain.

The entire industrial complex usually consists of two subsystems:

• The mining industry is concerned with the direct extraction of minerals from the depths of the earth. In addition, this includes the capture of fish and other marine animals.
• The manufacturing industry carries out a cycle of processing extracted raw materials into the necessary materials - metals, rolled products, chemical products, and so on. Here products can be created that are ready for consumption by the end customer.

The industrial complex is divided into industries under the influence of many factors. This division is influenced by the level of industrial development, scientific and technological progress, public, social and historical aspects of the country’s development, specialization of labor, and the availability of natural resources. The structure of industry is determined by the ratio of shares and the dynamics of growth of its individual sectors. It is worth noting that currently each industry has a special narrow specialization, while diversification of production is used to form long-term effective functioning of enterprises.

Economic life of Korea

Before the Second World War, North Korea, under the influence of Japan, concentrated on the development of the industrial complex, since this is where mineral deposits are concentrated. South Korea was exclusively engaged in agriculture. After the end of World War II and the Korean War, the country was divided into two separate states - the DPRK and South Korea. The latter at that time was one of the poorest countries in the world, where about 36% of the population were unemployed. To overcome the crisis, a large loan was taken from the United States, which was used to purchase food, and only a small share was spent on economic recovery.

A course was set for the development of light industry, which made it possible to attract foreign investment. The products of this industry were exported to eliminate the negative indicators of the country's balance of payments.

Since the mid-eighties, a course has been taken to master high technologies. The Korean economy focused on the production of semiconductors, as well as radio equipment and computer equipment.

The rapid growth of the engineering industry allowed South Korea to organize the work of the military-industrial complex. It currently provides 65% of the country's weapons needs.

Currently, the Korean economy is one of the most successful in the world. In terms of gross domestic product, it is in twelfth place in the ranking of countries in the world. Since the early sixties, when the economy was in complete decline, to date, GDP has grown 350 times.

Note 2

A feature of the South Korean economy was government regulation and intervention in the economic life of the country. To raise living standards and restore economic stability, five-year plans were applied, which yielded positive results.

Industry of Korea

First of all, it is worth noting that the development of industry in South Korea largely follows the path of Japan. Korea also does not have mineral reserves that have to be imported. The country has only small reserves of coal and uranium. At the same time, coal production volumes are gradually decreasing.

Historically, the Korean textile industry is export-oriented. At the same time, part of the domestic demand for these products is covered by imports. In terms of textile export volumes, Korea ranks fifth in the world.

Ferrous metallurgy in Korea is represented by steel production. Metal volumes are growing year by year. Steel is mainly used to meet the needs of the domestic market.

As mentioned above, the mechanical engineering sector is well developed in Korea. Much emphasis is placed on the creation of cars and ships. The country is now the fifth largest vehicle manufacturer in the world. The automotive industry in South Korea is represented by five largest enterprises producing cars of the brands Hyundai, Kia, Daewoo and others.

Shipbuilding in the country is represented by the creation, repair and conversion of ships and various types of ships. The development of this industry has a direct impact on the supply of necessary raw materials and materials imported from other countries.

A large share of Korea's GDP comes from the high-tech industry. The semiconductor industry supplies structural parts for various technologies. To overcome the global crisis in the late nineties, the Korean semiconductor industry reoriented itself to the production of memory chips, which are currently exported to many developed countries of the world.

Note 3

Electronics in Korea is represented by the production of household appliances and consumer electronics, which are successfully exported abroad. In addition, telecommunications equipment is produced in Korea, that is, all possible modern communications and computer equipment.

Korea is one of the largest powers in the implementation of the petrochemical complex. Cracking technology is used here, which makes it possible to produce:

• motor oils;
• lubricants;
• various types of raw materials for further processing.

During 1970-2018 South Korea's imports at current prices increased by $635.2 billion (334.4 times) to $637.1 billion; the change occurred by $1.1 billion due to a population increase of 19.0 million, as well as by $634.1 billion due to an increase in per capita imports of $12,392.7. The average annual growth in South Korea's imports was $13.2 billion, or 12.9%. The average annual growth in South Korean imports in constant prices is 10.0%. The world share increased by 2.1%. The share in Asia increased by 3.6%. The minimum import was in 1970 ($1.9 billion). The maximum import was in 2012 ($656.7 billion).

During 1970-2018. Imports per capita in South Korea increased by $12,392.7 (210.3 times) to $12,451.9. The average annual increase in imports per capita at current prices was $258.2 or 11.8%.

The change in South Korea's imports is described by a linear correlation-regression model: y=14.1x-27,930.5, where y is the estimated value of South Korea's imports, x is the year. Correlation coefficient = 0.905. Coefficient of determination = 0.82.

South Korean imports, 1970-2012 (growth)

For 1970-2012 South Korea's imports at current prices increased by $654.8 billion (344.7 times) to $656.7 billion; the change occurred by $1.1 billion due to a population increase of 17.8 million, as well as by $653.7 billion due to an increase in per capita imports of $13,086.4. The average annual growth in South Korea's imports is $15.6 billion, or 14.9%. The average annual growth in South Korea's imports at constant prices was 11.0%. The world share increased by 2.5%. The share in Asia increased by 4.7%.

For 1970-2012 Imports per capita in South Korea increased by $13,086.4 (222.0 times) to $13,145.7. The average annual increase in imports per capita at current prices was $311.6 or 13.7%.

South Korea imports, 2012-2018 (decline)

During 2012-2018. South Korea's imports at current prices decreased by $19.6 billion (3%) to $637.1 billion; the change occurred by $15.9 billion due to a population increase of 1.2 million, as well as by -$35.5 billion due to a drop in imports per capita by $693.8. The average annual increase in South Korea's imports amounted to -3.3 billion dollars or -0.50%. The average annual growth in South Korean imports at constant prices was 3.3%. The world share decreased by 0.35%. The share in Asia decreased by 1.1%.

For 2012-2018 Imports per capita in South Korea increased by $693.8 (5.3%) to $12,451.9. The average annual increase in imports per capita at current prices was -$115.6 or -0.90%.

South Korean imports, 1970

South Korea import in 1970 it was equal to 1.9 billion dollars, ranked 37th in the world and was at the level of imports of Congo ($2.0 billion), imports of Argentina ($2.0 billion), imports of Greece ($2.0 billion), imports of Portugal ($2.0 billion), imports of Ireland ($1.8 billion). South Korea's imports were $0.88 billion higher than South Korea's exports, and the trade surplus amounted to 9.5% of South Korea's GDP. South Korea's share of imports in the world was 0.49%.

In 1970, it was equal to 59.2 dollars, ranked 134th in the world and was at the level of imports per capita in the Central African Republic (62.8 dollars), imports per capita in Ecuador (61.3 dollars), imports per capita in Morocco (60.8 dollars) ), imports per capita in Syria ($57.7), imports per capita in Bolivia ($56.0), imports per capita in Sierra Leone ($55.5). South Korea's per capita imports were $45.1 less than the world's per capita imports ($104.3).

Comparison of imports between South Korea and its neighbors in 1970. South Korea's imports were 4.7 times greater than North Korea's imports ($0.4 billion), but were 90.3% less than Japan's imports ($19.6 billion). South Korea's per capita imports were greater than North Korea's per capita imports ($32.0) by 84.9%, but were less than Japan's per capita imports ($186.5) by 68.2%.

Comparison of South Korea's imports and leaders in 1970. South Korea's imports were less than US imports ($55.8 billion) by 96.6%, German imports ($35.8 billion) by 94.7%, UK imports ($27.4 billion) by 93.1%, French imports ($22.9 billion dollars) by 91.7%, Japanese imports (19.6 billion dollars) by 90.3%. Imports per capita in South Korea were less than imports per capita in the UK ($492.7) by 88%, imports per capita in Germany ($455.5) by 87%, imports per capita in France ($440.4) by 86.6%, imports per capita in the USA ($266.0) by 77.7%, imports per capita in Japan ($186.5) by 68.2%.

South Korea's import potential in 1970. With imports per capita at the same level as the UK's imports per capita ($492.7), South Korea's imports would be $15.9 billion, 8.3 times the actual level. With per capita imports at the same level as Japan's best neighbor ($186.5), South Korea's imports would be $6.0 billion, 3.1 times the actual level. With per capita imports at the same level as the world's per capita imports ($104.3), South Korea's imports would be $3.4 billion, 76.2% more than the actual level.

South Korean imports, 2012

South Korea import in 2012 amounted to 656.7 billion dollars, ranking 7th in the world. South Korea's imports were $34.9 billion less than South Korea's exports, and the trade deficit was equal to 2.7% of South Korea's GDP. The share of South Korea's imports in the world was 3.0%.

Imports per capita in South Korea in 2012 was equal to $13,145.7, ranked 42nd in the world and was at the level of imports per capita in Kuwait ($13,470.2), imports per capita in the Bahamas ($13,291.0), imports per capita in Turks and Caicos ($13,141.5), UK imports per capita ($13,112.7), Anguilla imports per capita ($13,082.6), Seychelles imports per capita ($12,726.9), France imports per capita ($12 440.9 dollars). South Korea's per capita imports were $10,032.7 higher than the world's per capita imports ($3,112.9).

Comparison of imports between South Korea and its neighbors in 2012. South Korea's imports were 370.4 times greater than North Korea's ($1.8 billion) but were 34.2% less than Japan's ($998.2 billion). Imports per capita in South Korea were greater than imports per capita in Japan ($7,772.5) by 69.1%, imports per capita in North Korea ($71.7) by 183.4 times.

Comparison of imports of South Korea and leaders in 2012. South Korea's imports were less than US imports ($2,759.9 billion) by 76.2%, Chinese imports ($1,943.2 billion) by 66.2%, German imports ($1,418.2 billion) by 53.7%, imports Japan ($998.2 billion) by 34.2%, UK imports ($842.5 billion) by 22.1%. Imports per capita in South Korea were greater than imports per capita in the UK ($13,112.7) by 0.25%, imports per capita in the US ($8,807.9) by 49.2%, and imports per capita in Japan ($7,772.5). dollars) by 69.1%, imports per capita in China ($1,413.0) by 9.3 times, but were less than imports per capita in Germany ($17,494.8) by 24.9%.

South Korea's import potential in 2012. With per capita imports at the same level as Germany's per capita imports ($17,494.8), South Korea's imports would be $873.9 billion, 33.1% higher than actual levels.

South Korea imports, 2018

South Korea import in 2018 was equal to 637.1 billion dollars, ranked 10th in the world and was at the level of imports of the Netherlands (670.3 billion dollars), imports of India (657.0 billion dollars), imports of Italy (603.7 billion dollars). South Korea's imports were $79.2 billion less than South Korea's exports, and the trade deficit amounted to 4.6% of South Korea's GDP. The share of South Korea's imports in the world was 2.6%.

Imports per capita in South Korea in 2018 was equal to $12,451.9, ranked 51st in the world and was at the level of imports per capita in France ($13,219.8), imports per capita in Hungary ($13,128.1), imports per capita in Brunei (13 $116.1), imports per capita in the Bahamas ($12,842.0), imports per capita in Anguilla ($12,773.3), imports per capita in Israel ($12,722.3), imports per capita in the Cook Islands ($12,621.0 dollars), imports per capita in Australia ($12,596.8), imports per capita in New Zealand ($12,240.1), imports per capita in Nauru ($11,791.8). South Korea's per capita imports were $9,250.6 higher than the world's per capita imports ($3,201.3).

Comparison of imports between South Korea and its neighbors in 2018. South Korea's imports were 327.0 times greater than North Korea's ($1.9 billion) but were 29.6% less than Japan's ($904.4 billion). Imports per capita in South Korea were greater than imports per capita in Japan ($7,111.0) by 75.1%, imports per capita in North Korea ($76.4) by 162.9 times.

Comparison of imports of South Korea and leaders in 2018. South Korea's imports were less than US imports ($3,148.5 billion) by 79.8%, Chinese imports ($2,543.8 billion) by 75%, German imports ($1,629.4 billion) by 60.9%, imports Great Britain ($907.1 billion) by 29.8%, Japanese imports ($904.4 billion) by 29.6%. Imports per capita in South Korea were greater than imports per capita in the United States ($9,635.1) by 29.2%, imports per capita in Japan ($7,111.0) by 75.1%, and imports per capita in China ($1,797.7). dollars) by 6.9 times, but was less than imports per capita in Germany ($19,799.4) by 37.1%, imports per capita in Great Britain ($13,625.7) by 8.6%.

South Korea's import potential in 2018. With per capita imports at the same level as Germany's per capita imports ($19,799.4), South Korea's imports would be $1,013.0 billion, 59% higher than actual levels.

The development of the South Korean economy was largely determined by the expansion of its foreign economic relations, the most important among which was foreign trade.

In the 60-80s, the pace of foreign trade was 1.5-4.0 times higher than the growth rate of GDP. So, in the 60s average annual export growth was 33.4%, in the 70s - 39.8, in the 80s - 14.5, in 1990-1994. - 10%. The rapid growth of foreign trade was the result of the influence of various factors and conditions, including foreign trade policy, on the process of forming and expanding the country's export potential. South Korea is not a free trade country. The government, playing a dominant role in the economy, exercises direct and indirect control in foreign economic relations. Until recently, foreign trade policy was essentially a system of protectionist methods for developing exports and licensing imports. Since the beginning of the 60s, a system of strict dependence of import volumes on the size of export revenues was introduced. According to this, companies received the right to import goods whose value did not exceed the export earnings of these companies. Unlike consumer goods, imports of equipment and intermediate goods were exempt from any duties and enjoyed preferential tariffs. The exception was materials, the production of which had been developed to some extent.

Currently, South Korea ranks among the world's leading producers of consumer electronics. Now in the country, as well as throughout the world, there is a tendency to switch to digital technologies, which increases the demand for products such as digital TVs, DVDs, MP3 players. The largest companies in the industry are LG, Samsung, and Hynix. They produce almost the entire range of consumer electronics, most of which are exported.

Telecommunications equipment produced by South Korean companies is primarily cell phones, although other segments are also well developed. This is due to both the large volume of the domestic market (more than $43 billion in 2007) and the high demand for South Korean products abroad.

Figure 1. South Korea's share of global semiconductor production

Rapid economic growth was facilitated by the rapid increase in foreign trade volumes (see Table 3)

As can be seen from this table, South Korea is very quickly increasing trade turnover with its neighbors. At the same time, progress in relations with China is especially noticeable. For the period from 2004 to 2008. Exports to China increased by more than 1.6 times, and imports by 2.2 times. The growth rate of trade with Japan is lower, but still significant. Thus, the growth of exports to Japan in 200-2008. amounted to more than 20%, and imports - more than 30%.

The structure of foreign trade turnover in exports is presented in Figure 2.

Figure 2. South Korea's main export partners in 2008

As can be seen from this figure, the main four foreign trade partners of South Korea account for almost 50% of the total turnover. It is noteworthy that Japan's share is lower than that of the United States, which is due to the fact that these countries use similar business models for operating in the US market.

Figure 3. South Korea's main import partners in 2008

The five largest import partner countries account for 55% of all trade. At the same time, the share of two countries – Saudi Arabia and the UAE, whose main items are energy resources, is only 10%.

Table 4.

Commodity structure of exports (million won)

Analyzing the table, we can come to the conclusion that currently South Korean exports largely depend on global demand for semiconductors and telecommunications equipment. Since 2000, demand in these sectors has been steadily growing, which is associated with the rapid development of the computer industry. According to data from 2004 to 2007, exports of goods in this category almost doubled. At the same time, exports of shipbuilding and metallurgy have a steady downward trend.

Table 5.

Dynamics of foreign trade turnover of South Korea, billion dollars.

Exports to the country's GDP are still very large, accounting for 39% at the end of 2008, which indicates a limitation of domestic demand for goods in favor of exports.

The import of technology is of particular importance for South Korea. An example here is the energy industry, in particular nuclear energy.

How was backward and poor Korea able to make an economic breakthrough unparalleled in the entire history of the world? If we try to briefly describe the strategy chosen by the Korean government, its basis was an export orientation. In fact, over the past 35-40 years, Korea has turned into a kind of “factory country” that imports raw materials and semi-finished products from abroad, turns them into finished products and sends these products abroad. In fact, Korea, deprived of natural resources, had no other choice. However, it is clear that the consequence of this strategic decision was Korea's extreme dependence on exports. The situation on world markets, fluctuations in exchange rates, changes in customs legislation most directly affect any Korean, and export-import reports are carefully read by everyone who is in one way or another connected with the Korean economy.

The rapid growth of Korean foreign trade began in the mid-1960s, that is, when the country switched to an export-oriented economic development strategy. For a quarter of a century (1964-2000), South Korea ranked first in the world in terms of the growth rate of its exports, which increased on average by 22.4% annually (in particularly successful years, exports doubled). In 2001, relatively small Korea was in 13th place in the world both in terms of the volume of its foreign trade as a whole and in terms of export volume. Its exports amounted to 150.6 billion dollars, and all foreign trade (exports and imports together) amounted to 291.5 billion dollars. For comparison: in terms of the volume of its foreign trade, Russia last year ranked 17th in the world, its exports amounted to 103.1 billion dollars, and foreign trade as a whole - 162.1 billion dollars, that is, almost double times less than South Korean. This means that huge Russia, in terms of the scale of its foreign trade, was on a par with Malaysia and Sweden, but significantly lagged behind not only Taiwan, but even the city-state of Singapore.

South Korea's largest foreign trade partner for many years has been the United States, with trade volume with which in 2001 amounted to $53.4 billion. (18.3% of all Korean foreign trade turnover). Japan is in second place ($43.1 billion or 14.8% of trade turnover), followed by China (10.8%), Hong Kong (3.7%) and Taiwan (3.5%). In sixth place is Saudi Arabia, trade with which is very unbalanced: Korean exports from this country amounted to $8 billion, and imports - only $1.3 billion. The reason for this imbalance is clear: for Korea, Saudi Arabia is one of the most important oil suppliers. 7-10 places in the top ten Korean trading partners are occupied by Germany, Indonesia, Australia and Singapore.

Trade turnover with Russia in 2001 amounted to only $2.9 billion, so our country ranks a modest 29th among South Korean trading partners. At the same time, Russian-Korean trade is also unbalanced: in 2001, Korean imports from Russia amounted to $1,929 million, and exports to Russia amounted to $938 million. (data from Korean statistics are used here, since the State Statistics Committee of the Russian Federation cites noticeably lower figures in its publications). The imbalance is caused by the fact that in trade with Korea, as in trade with the Russian Federation as a whole, raw materials predominate. The main items of Korean export to Russia are petrochemical products (20% of total exports), food products, textiles, cars and electronics. Russia sells mineral raw materials to Korea (about 30% of all imports from Russia), metal products (mainly metal for Korean metallurgical plants) and seafood. However, these figures should be approached with caution, since they reflect only “official” trade - and even that not in full. As is known, shuttles play a significant role in Russian-Korean trade, especially noticeable in the Far East. The activities of these small and medium-sized entrepreneurs, as well as the semi-legal import of used Korean cars, are only partially reflected in official statistics. This also applies, by the way, to Korean trade with China, the actual volume of which is also greater than the officially declared one.

Korea's main exports in recent years have been passenger cars, steel, semiconductors, electronics and cargo ships. All these products are mainly produced for the foreign market. In particular, approximately half of all cars produced in Korea (in 2001 - 1.5 million out of 2.95 million) and almost all large ships built in Korean shipyards go abroad. In 2001, semiconductors were in first place (9.5% of total exports). They were followed by automobiles (8.8%), computers (7.4%), cellular communications (6.6%), and ships (6.4% of Korean exports).

Korea imports mainly raw materials and (which is not very publicized) technology. Korea completely lacks its own energy resources, so all oil and gas in the country are imported. Korea, despite its small size, is the world's fifth largest oil importer! In 2001, oil accounted for 15% of all Korean imports by value. After oil comes gas - approximately 3% of all imports. A significant portion of coal is also imported, including all coking coal, without which the Korean metallurgy cannot operate. Coking coal is the third most important import item. Finally, approximately half of the iron ore the country needs is imported into Korea, as well as timber and other types of raw materials.

From the point of view of foreign trade, 2001 was not the most successful year for Korea - in contrast to the very successful 2000. Last year, prices for some Korean export products - primarily steel and semiconductors - dropped significantly. A significant role here was played by the events of September 11, which negatively affected the economy of the United States, Korea's main trading partner, as well as the difficulties that the largest developed economies experienced in the second half of the year. Therefore, Korean exports in 2001 increased compared to 2000 by only 0.7% - the most modest result since 1989. A lot of problems for Korea were created by high oil prices, which have persisted for quite a long time (much to the delight of Russia). At the same time, the foreign trade balance, despite all the difficulties, remained positive, that is, exports exceeded imports: in 2001, Korea sold goods worth $8.4 billion. more than I bought.

However, these problems are tactical and temporary: prices, after all, always fluctuate, and the current decline will inevitably be followed by a rise. Alas, the matter is not limited to tactical problems: China poses an increasing strategic threat to Korean foreign trade companies. This is due to the structure of Korean exports, in which labor-intensive industries of medium complexity traditionally played a large role - shipbuilding, the automotive industry, and metallurgy. In these areas, Korea's main advantage used to be the availability of an inexpensive and highly disciplined workforce, as well as a high level of education. Recently the situation has changed radically. Korean workers are now only willing to work for wages that are not too different from Spanish or Greek wages, while workers in China are still paid little. At the beginning of 2002, the average wage for assembly line workers in Korea was $7.75 per hour, but in China it was eight times lower - only $0.92 per hour. This gap allows Chinese firms to gradually push Korean competitors out of labor-intensive industries. Chinese pressure is already being felt in shipbuilding and metallurgy, and the appearance of good Chinese cars is not far off.

Korean firms currently see two ways out of this potentially dangerous situation. The first way out is to build up high-tech production, primarily in the field of electronics, computer science and telecommunications. In these areas, Chinese manufacturers do not yet constitute serious competition, but Korean companies have to solve another difficult task: entering an established market that has long been occupied by Western and Japanese firms. The second way out is the gradual transfer of technologically simple, but labor-intensive production outside Korea, to countries with cheap labor. It is no coincidence that more and more Korean companies are establishing their factories in Malaysia, Vietnam and, of course, in China itself.

In any case, it is clear that Korea will not be able to abandon its export orientation in the foreseeable future. Export is the main condition for the country's prosperity, the basis of its entire economy.

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